“绿城”弗莱堡的烦恼（下）_弗莱堡

　　Before seeing Vauban, I want to know how Freiburg was created from the ashes of a medieval city 1)levelled during the Second World War. “The main employer here is the university,” Daseking explains, “so these are brainy people―and when they say something, they mean it. First they said they would rebuild the city with new ideas―and they did.” The old streets were
　　widened to take trams, the tramway became “the backbone of the city” and the medieval centre was kept car-free. “Then, in the Seventies,” Daseking says, “the government in 2)Stuttgart wanted to build a nuclear power station 40km from here. The brainy people said, ‘No, we won’t have it’―and when they say no, they mean no.”
　　With nuclear power off the agenda, Freiburg found itself with a problem: a finite amount of electricity, but a growing population. The only solution, the government said, was for the people to come up with an energy-saving plan to conserve existing resources. In the mid-Eighties, when Daseking arrived, the same spirit of public consultation was applied to the planning of Rieselfeld. First on the wish list was a tramline extension, built before residents arrived so they would not have to buy a car. Next came the idea of small plots with a high population density (the group owner-ship model) so people could afford to buy flats. Because the newcomers were
　　families, “a garden was essential for every four or five plots,” says Daseking―hence the abundance of play parks.
　　More enlightened still, was the approach to scale. “From the top floor of every house,” says Daseking, “parents had to be able to shout to their children in the garden―and hear the reply. It was important to get in touch with the ground.” This limited the height of buildings. To reduce theft, small garages (for those who wanted cars) were built every two blocks, rather than large ones every five blocks. “From every corner, you could see what was happening in your garage,” says Daseking. “Criminality had to go down.”
　　In Vauban, green living is compulsory. Claudia Duppe warned me, “There is a lot of social control. If you walk into the quarter with an 3)Aldi carrier bag, it’s, ‘Sorry, I’m not talking to you; you shop at a discount supermarket and you don’t buy organic.’ It feels 4)claustrophobic, because everyone expects you to behave in the same way―and of course you are not allowed to have a car.”
　　It’s an overstatement, since Vauban residents can own a car―but they have to pay �8,000 a year to park it in one of the multistorey “Solar Garages” on the 5)outskirts of the quarter. On the main 6)thoroughfare there is a speed limit of 30km per hour―and on Vauban’s narrow residential streets, hemmed in by housing estates, cars can travel no faster than walking speed.
　　On the day we are due to visit Vauban, the trams are on strike. Luckily, we find a car―owned by Lorenz Wehrle, a local architect. On the way, he tells me there is little support for a car-free system. “It doesn’t work,” he says, “and even here, people don’t really accept it. They want their neighbours not to own a car, but for them a car is important.” Some people in Vauban do own one, but don’t declare it, he says, saving themselves �8,000. “They claim it belongs to their sister,” he explains, “or they park it in Merzhausen”―a village just outside Vauban.
本文为全文原貌 未安装PDF浏览器用户请先下载安装 原版全文 　　As Lorenz drives across the boun-dary, there is little sense of a transition to a car-free zone; indeed, there are more vehicles than expected, perhaps on account of the tram strike. The first resident I meet is Stefan Westphal, a freelance biologist who looks after his children―Heinrich (ten) and Lennard (eight)―while his wife, Manuela Kohler, works. He admits that five percent of Vauban residents own a car, but pretend they don’t. However, he has signed a declaration saying he will never own one―thus avoiding the fee. If he cheats, or even changes his mind, “they can take a part of our property.”
　　From his rooftop 7)terrace, Stefan points out the arrays of blue solar panels on 50 percent of the surrounding roofs. These “collectors” don’t heat the properties themselves, since Vauban is supplied by a small local power station, but they feed energy back into the regional 8)grid to make their owners a modest income. At the “Solar Settlement” (or, more
　　9)prosaically, the Plus-energy Housing and Service Centre) nearby, designed by solar architect Rolf Disch, each of the 60 houses makes �,000 a year for its inhabitants―an income guaranteed for 20 years by the German government. However, it takes up to nine years to pay for the technology. Built to passive house standards, the homes also have solar collectors capable of feeding more energy into the grid than they waste―hence the name “plus-energy” houses.
　　Later, we met Barbara Classen, another Vauban resident. At 1 pm, when German schools finish, Barbara and her sons have lunch every day at SUSI―a radical housing association which Barbara describes as “an intentional community where people live in shared houses, using co-op services.” “It’s pretty dense housing,” she says, “and all the 10-year-olds around here are going to be teenagers at the same time. That will be an interesting experience! Some people are very anti-car, and there have been conflicts in some streets.” There is also a 10)stigma, she believes, in living in Freiburg’s most militant green quarter.
　　Her main 11)grouse, however, is that Freiburg’s “so-called Green mayor” (Dr Die-ter Salomon) is failing to promote social housing and group ownership while supporting big, 12)lucrative developments thrown up by private investors. Like many I spoke to, she sees this is a betrayal of Freiburg’s more enlightened past under a committed socialist mayor.
　　It is political will, vision and policy, not some mysterious green sensibility, that has made Germany a leader in terms of sustainable living.
　　
　　在参观弗本之前，我想知道弗莱堡是如何在废墟上建设起来的――这个中世纪古城在二战中被夷为平地。“这里的雇主主要是大学。”达斯肯解释说，“所以这里的居民都是些知识分子。他们言出必行。一开始他们就说要用全新的理念来重建这座城市，而他们确实做到了。”他们拓宽了老街以保证有轨电车能够通过，电车轨道后来成了“弗莱堡的脊梁”，而中世纪风格的市中心曾经禁行汽车。“然后，在上世纪70年代，”达斯肯说，“位于斯图加特的地方政府想在离这儿40公里的地方建一个核电站。知识分子们说，‘不，我们不要核电站。’当他们说‘不’的时候，就真的会阻止事情发生。”
　　虽然成功地把核电站这项工程拒之门外，但弗莱堡发现自己面对着一个问题：人口不断增长，而发电量却十分有限。政府说，唯一的解决办法是找到一种节能的生活方式，节约现有资源。在上世纪80年代中期，当达斯肯到任并着手筹建瑞斯菲德社区时，同样咨询了公众意见，人们首要的请求是扩展电车轨道，在居民们落户前就建好，这样他们就可以不用买车了。其次就是设一些高人口密度的小型聚居区（即前面提到的集体物权所有制模式），这样人们就都能买得起公寓。由于新居民都是举家搬迁而来的，“所以每四到五个聚居区就必须设一个花园，”达斯肯说，因此这里供游玩的公园数量众多。
本文为全文原貌 未安装PDF浏览器用户请先下载安装 原版全文 　　然而更开明的想法是让聚居区保持适度的规模。“父母们站在每栋房子的屋顶，都得能叫唤到在花园里玩耍的孩子们，并能听到他们的回应。接地气也很重要。”达斯肯说。这限制了房子的高度。为减少偷窃事件的发生，每两个聚居区就有为那些想拥有车的人而建的小车库，而不是每五个聚居区共用一个大车库。“从每个角落，你都能看到你的车库里发生着什么事，”达斯肯说，“这样一来，犯罪率肯定会下降。”
　　在弗本，绿色生活是一种义务。克劳迪娅•杜普警告我说：“这里有很多社会约束。如果你拿着一个阿尔迪超市的手提购物袋进入那个社区，人们的反应是：‘不好意思，我不会跟你说话的，你在打折的连锁超市买东西，而且不买有机食品。’这听起来像是有幽闭恐怖症倾向，因为每个人都期待你的行为和他们的一样，当然，你要是想买一辆车，那也是不行的。”
　　这话可能有点夸张，因为事实上弗本的居民是可以拥有一辆汽车的，但是他们必须每年付18000欧元（约194498元），才能在该区周边的多层“太阳能车库”停车。在主要干道上，车速被限制在每小时30公里以内，而在弗本狭窄的内街中，两边都是挤挤挨挨的房子，开车的速度一点都不比走路快。
　　我们打算去参观弗本的那一天，有轨电车正在罢工。幸运的是，我们找到了一辆汽车，那是当地建筑师洛伦佐•威赫尔的。在去弗本的路上，他告诉我，支持无车社区的人非常少。“这一主张行不通，”他说，“即便在这儿，人们也很难真的接受。他们希望邻居们不要买车，但是对他们自己而言，汽车是很重要的。”他说，在弗本，一些人事实上买了车，但嘴上不说，为的就是省下那18000欧元。“他们假装说车是姐姐或者妹妹的，”他解释说，“或者是把车停在弗本外围的一个叫默尔茨豪森的小村庄。”
　　当洛伦佐驶越两个区的交界时，我并没有明显感觉到进入了一个“无车区域”。事实上，这里的汽车比我想像中多得多，可能是有轨电车罢工了的缘故。我遇到的第一个弗本居民是斯蒂芬•韦斯伯，他是一个工作时间和地点自由的生物学家。在他的妻子马努拉•科勒外出工作的时候，他留在家里照顾两个孩子――10岁的海瑞齐和8岁的勒纳德。他承认，5%的弗本居民拥有汽车，但嘴上不说。但是他已经签了一个声明――永远不会买车，这样就可以避交费用。如果他不诚实，或者甚至是改变了主意，那么“他们可以没收我们的部分家产。”
　　在他家屋顶的天台上，斯蒂芬指出周围那一排排占据屋顶50%面积的就是蓝色的太阳能电池板。这些“太阳能源收集器”并不为物业本身供热（因为弗本的供电来源是当地一个小电站），而是将收集到的能源输送给当地的电网，从而给屋主带来一小笔收入。在附近由太阳能建筑师罗尔夫•迪斯奇设计的“太阳能结算中心”（俗称“正能源”房屋和服务中心），配备了太阳能源收集器的60栋房屋每一栋每年可以为屋主带来6000欧元的收入，德国政府保证这笔收入将保持20年不变。但是，要付清这种技术的成本也要9年。这些房屋按照被动式建筑标准建筑，配备的太阳能采集器所能收集并输送到电网的能源比它所消耗的要多，所以得名“正能源”房屋。
　　随后，我们遇上了弗本的另外一位居民芭芭拉•克拉森。下午1点，德国学校放学的时间，芭芭拉和她的儿子们每天都会在这个时候去SUSI吃午饭。SUSI是一个激进的住宅联盟，照芭芭拉的说法，它是一个刻意为之的“公社”，人们住在共有的房子里，共享合作社式的服务。“这里的住宅密度很大。”她说，“而且这附近所有10来岁的孩子都将在同一时期长大。这是一个有趣的体验！一些人非常反对汽车，一些街区里一直都有冲突发生。”她相信，居住在弗莱堡最激进的绿色社区的人都被挂上了一个“污名”。
　　不过，她最主要的抱怨是，弗莱堡“所谓的环保市长”（指迪特•萨蒙博士）在支持那些由私营投资者发起的大型赢利性项目的同时，没有有效地推进公共住宅和集体物权所有制。像我采访过的许多人一样，她认为以前的市长是一个鞠躬尽瘁的社会党人，而现任市长的做法是对弗莱堡过去相对开明的建设历程的背叛。
　　德国在可持续生活方式方面处于领先地位，得益于政治决心、远见卓识和公共政策，而非什么神秘的环保意识。
　　
　　
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